July 25 forecast: Sunny, with cloud of impeachment

The Associated Press In this July 25, 2019, file photo, President Donald Trump and Secretary of Defense Mark Esper, right, stand during the playing of the National Anthem, during a ceremony for Esper, at the Pentagon. It was the day of his phone call with Ukraine's new leader, pressing him for a political favor.

WASHINGTON — The forecast for July 25 was typical for Washington: sunny, mid-80s. President Donald Trump had good reason to be feeling bright and sunny himself.

It was the morning after Robert Mueller’s congressional testimony at the conclusion of the Russia investigation, and Trump and his allies were expressing relief, thinking the rumblings about impeachment would at last fade, even if the special counsel hadn’t offered the president the total exoneration Trump claimed.

By 7:06 a.m., Trump was tweeting positive reviews from his favorite TV show, “Fox & Friends,” where co-host Ainsley Earhardt declared, "Yesterday changed everything, it really did clear the president.”

An hour later, Trump moved on to a tweet talking up his approval ratings, the stock market, unemployment and more. "Country doing great!” he wrote.

But a reconstruction of what started as an unremarkable summer Thursday reveals that even before daybreak, anxiety was coursing through the White House about a coming phone call that didn’t appear on the president’s public schedule.

By nightfall, Trump had set in motion events that would trigger only the fourth impeachment inquiry in history, imperiling his presidency and further calcifying divisions in a polarized nation.



Trump was scheduled to talk with Ukraine’s new president, Volodymyr Zelenskiy at 9 a.m. Zelenskiy, a former comedian fond of showing off his bulging biceps, was angling to lock in a visit to the White House, a valuable currency that he hoped would demonstrate to Russia that he had Trump’s backing.

Trump and Zelenskiy had gotten along just fine during their first chat in April, basically an exchange of pleasantries. National security officials were worried that this time would be different.

There were “some concerns that, you know, there could be some stray voltage,” Lt. Col. Alexander Vindman, the National Security Council’s top Ukraine expert, testified later.

He was referring to growing indications that Trump was fixated on baseless conspiracy theories that Ukraine had tried to take down candidate Trump in the 2016 elections. There was talk that Zelenskiy would only get a White House visit if he agreed to investigate former Vice President Joe Biden, one of Trump’s top Democratic rivals, and the 2016 U.S. elections.

None of that was in the National Security Council’s “call package,” with its suggested talking points for Trump’s conversation. Nor was any of that in the prewritten “readout” of the call, laying out what was expected to happen.

Both of those turned out to be merely aspirational.

Shortly before the call, Gordon Sondland, the U.S. ambassador to the European Union, got on the phone with Trump to offer his own advice.

Sondland, working with Trump lawyer Rudy Giuliani, had put together a plan under which Ukraine would get its White House meeting only in exchange for agreeing to investigations of Joe Biden and his son Hunter, who served on the board of a gas company in Ukraine, and the 2016 election, when Trump defeated Democrat Hillary Clinton.

At 8:36 a.m., Kurt Volker, then Trump’s special envoy to Ukraine, texted a Zelenskiy aide after talking to Sondland: "Heard from White House — Assuming President Z convinces trump he will investigate / "get to the bottom of what happened" in 2016, we will nail down date for visit to Washington. Good luck!"



The half-hour call started with pleasantries but quickly took a sharp detour.

Trump, his voice lower than normal, was “dour,” according to Vindman, who was among a dozen or more people listening in from the U.S. side.

Zelenskiy, overly eager to please, was “obsequious,” according to Tim Morrison, Vindman’s boss and one of the other sets of ears on the call.

Zelenskiy’s attempts at humor fell flat. They “just didn’t seem to carry with the president,” Vindman recalled.

Soon, Trump was stressing how much the U.S. had done for Ukraine and grousing about Europe’s failure to do more.

And then came 10 words from Trump that triggered the impeachment investigation: “I would like you to do us a favor though.”

Trump asked Zelenskiy to look into Crowdstrike, part of a debunked theory that Ukraine interfered in the 2016 election to benefit Clinton. From there, Trump segued to pressing for investigation of another discredited notion — that Biden had ousted a Ukrainian prosecutor who was looking into Hunter Biden’s dealings with Burisma, the energy company where he was on the board.

Zelenskiy, speaking a mix of Ukrainian and choppy English, had one mission: find as many ways as possible to say yes, yes and yes again. Four times he said “yes.” Twice, he assured Trump he was “absolutely right,” and “not just 100% but actually 1,000%.”

“I agree with you 100%,” he added later.

More important to Trump, though, Zelenskiy promised that “all the investigations will be done openly and candidly.”

Yet Zelenskiy wasn’t committing precisely to the investigations of Democrats that Trump wanted. He was speaking generally of his commitment to clean up corruption in his country.

He was short one very important “yes.”



Trump would later insist the call was “perfect,” but some of those who listened were gravely alarmed. Even while Trump was still speaking, there were some worried glances among those taking notes in the Situation Room.

The call ended at 9:33 a.m., and within an hour, Vindman was in the office of NSC lawyer John Eisenberg.

The idea of an American president pressuring a foreign leader to investigate his political foes was “troubling and disturbing,” Vindman told congressional investigators. “I thought it was wrong.”

Acting separately, Morrison, a Trump political appointee, also made his way to Eisenberg’s office that day. Morrison was worried that details of the call would leak and damage Ukraine’s bipartisan support in Congress.

Jennifer Williams, an adviser to Vice President Mike Pence who was also on the call, told legislators she found the call’s detour into domestic politics “unusual and inappropriate.”

By that night, NSC staff had finished editing a rough transcript of the conversation. and Eisenberg made sure that access to it was more closely restricted than usual to keep details from leaking.



Trump ended his day as he began it, in his comfort zone with Fox News.

On Sean Hannity’s show, the president said he’d been “through hell” during the Mueller investigation. Hannity declared that with that investigation over, impeachment fantasies had been “totally completely flushed down the drain.”

Eighteen days later, a whistleblower sent a nine-page complaint to Congress about the president’s July 25 call.

On Sept. 27, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi announced the impeachment investigation.

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